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Student Loan Default Rates Rise Sharply in Past Year

Current U.S. Student Loan Debt

“Borrowers are struggling in this economy,” said James Kvaal, deputy under secretary of education. “We see a strong relationship between student default rates and unemployment rates.”

full article here:

It is certainly a depressing thought for students in graduate school – a combination of mounting student-loan debt and an economy that produces fewer and few jobs.   But, as the current occupywallstreet demonstrations reveal the effects of these conditions are producing discontent and a strong will to see change take place.  And such conditions can potentially connect students to a growing segment of the population in the U.S. and across the world that is experiencing the effects and contradictions of a social and economic system that continues to polarize wealth on one end and poverty on the other.

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Poverty Initiative – Welcome New Students

The Poverty Initiative would like to warmly welcome all the new students entering Union’s walls this year!

You come to Union during a time when poverty and inequality are rapidly increasing.  From the subsistence farmer in West Africa who is being decimated by a speculative commodities markets, to students in the US graduating with mountains of debt into an economy with few job prospects – poverty is complex and has many faces.

We at the Poverty Initiative believe that poverty is the defining issue of our times and that to address poverty we need to build a social movement.   Over the past seven years many Union students and alumni have become part of the growing network of leaders (Poverty Scholars) that have committed to this movement to end poverty and we anticipate that this year many of Union’s newest students will be called as well.

There are many ways for Union students, staff, and alumni to be involved.  Follow this link to see a comprehensive list of activities and events for the 2011-2012. But, one of the best ways to be introduced to the work of the Poverty Initiative and its network of Poverty Scholars is through a Poverty Initiative immersion course.  This year we will be traveling to Baltimore and West Virginia to learn more about the movement to end slavery, which we have found has deep lessons for building a transformative movement today.  Below are three key leaders from the movement to end slavery (Harriet “Moses” Tubman, Frederick Douglas, and John Brown).  Understanding the leadership role that each played will be central to our experiential study in January.  Please follow this link for more information about the immersion.

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“Dear Mandela” – World Premiere

After two years of work and research the filmakers and leaders in the Poverty Initiative Poverty Scholars program Dara Kell and Chris Nizza will premiere their powerful documenary “Dear Mandela.”  The film documents the struggles of Abahlali BaseMjondolo and,  ”How they stood up to protect their community against Red Ants, bulldozers, assassination attempts and forced removals, all eerily reminiscent of the Apartheid-era.”  Read more about the premiere and the work of Abahali here and watch the trailer for Dear Mandela below.

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Poverty Initiative Returns From a Successful Leadership School

The Poverty Scholars regional leadership school in Wilkes-Barre wrapped up today.  It was an inspiring weekend, full of learning and sharing and building momentum in the movement to END Poverty!  Read some of the local press below…

From the  Wilkes-Barre Times Leader…

Putting the priority on the poor

and another piece here…

Community organizers get lesson in economics through Northeastern Pa. tour

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Poverty Scholars Regional Leadership School – Wilkes-Barre, PA

THE NEXT POVERTY INITIATIVE POVERTY SCHOLARS LEADERSHIP SCHOOL IS LESS THAN A WEEK AWAY (JULY 8-10)!  READ MORE AND WATCH A SHORT VIDEO ABOUT THESE SCHOOLS BELOW.

The Poverty Initiative, especially through its Poverty Scholars Program maintains its commitment to working together to Reignite the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s  Poor People’s Campaign –  which means to unite the poor across racial, geographic, religious, and other divisions as a leading social force in order to build a broad social movement to end poverty.  Dr. King called this unity of the poor a New and Unsettling Force.  The first step in accomplishing the task of uniting the poor is the development and uniting of leaders.

The regional school in Wilkes-Barre, PA, hosted by North Eastern Pennsylvania Organizing Center (NEPA), will bring together leaders in the Poverty Scholars Program currently engaged in or beginning to focus on a statewide organizing strategies.  As part of a year long educational plan for the Poverty Scholars Program, the curriculum of this regional school will pay particular attention to two main areas of study: Political Economy and History.

Designed as a space to introduce new leaders from current Poverty Scholars organizations and new organizations seeking to join the Poverty Scholars efforts of movement building, the leadership school curriculum will introduce core concepts of our work including: 1) a New and Unsettling Force, 2) education and leadership development,  3) root causes of poverty and the current economic crisis (Political Economy)  4) what is a social movement, why do we need one, and how do we build one (History) and 5) learn as we lead, teach as we fight: lessons from our struggles today (Wilkes-Barre Reality Tour).

The school will also discuss and help define two indispensible components of a social movement: 1) conditions and 2) consciousness.  Historically, social movements emerge out of necessities.  These necessities constitute the objective conditions.  Dr. King began to describe these conditions when he spoke of the poor who have little or nothing to lose in a system that continues to produce both beggars and billionaires.  But conditions alone are not enough.  Consciousness of the conditions we face must be developed.  This is the task of leaders — to develop consciousness through the study of both historical and current conditions.

The leadership school offers an opportunity for leaders to come together and commit themselves to developing the competence, clarity, and connections that are necessary to unite the poor across racial lines and build a movement to abolish poverty.  In order to build this movement, we must strengthen our own development and recognize the importance of developing other leaders.  We must learn to teach as we fight, to learn as we lead, and educate as we organize.  Without education, organizing is reduced to mobilization.    “We cannot afford to just mobilize bodies – we must move minds… Simply mobilizing bodies, moving from one event to another, is not enough to counter the sophisticated and dangerous forces arrayed against us” (Pedagogy of the Poor).  To unite and organize a New and Unsettling Force, we must arm ourselves with knowledge and thereby challenge the structures that continue to produce “the cruelly unjust society” in which we live.

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“The City is For All” – Poverty Initiative Meets With Hungarian Anti-Poverty Organization

Several of us at the Poverty Initiative had a chance recently to sit down with PhD student and Hungarian activist Udvarhelyi Tessza.  We discussed the work of the Poverty Initiative and to think about how what we do here might be in solidarity with the work in Budapest.  The relationship with Tessza was developed through Juli Bertlan, a Poverty Initiative alum who has just returned from a year in Budapest where she was studying Hungarian.  After the meeting at Poverty Initiative  Tessza wrote an article for her blog in Hungarian and Juli translated to English for us to share with the community here.  (The original Hungarian version can be found below)


At the end of April I visited a non-profit organization called the Poverty Initiative which is housed in a progressive seminary in New York City, Union Theological Seminary.  The Poverty Initiative’s aim is unite the experiences of the poor and excluded people, to unite the members of their organizations and their initiatives, and to revitalize Martin Luther King Jr.’s Poor People’s Campaign, which started in the 1960s but was never completed after his death. The Poor People’s Campaign launched King’s aim to unite more then 40 million poor in the United States across racial, ethnic and gender differences.

The Poverty Initative’s formation dates back to the 1980s homeless movement, which was preceded by the unprecedented, massive, and structural causes of homelessness dating back to the appearance in the United States. In the late 80s, in multiple places around the country they developed homeless advocacy organizations, which in a large part used radical means to achieve their objectives.

The National Homeless Union started out of Philadelphia and at its peak of operation included 15 thousand members in 25 different states.  The members of the movements carried out major housing takeovers. (There is a fantastic film about this, Takeover) Out of which developed multiple million dollar supported housing programs (One example is Dignity Housing). One of the homeless movement’s most important tangible results was ensuring the right to vote even for those who do not have a permanent address. In the 1990s the attention shifted to broader issues, focusing on the Poor People’s Economic Human Rights Campaign.  One of its initiators being the Kensington Welfare Rights Union, of which there is a film called Poverty Outlaw, which there is a Hungarian subtitled version which A Város Mindenkié (The City is for All) used during its anti-eviction training as well. This movement fought against the conservative welfare system reform and fought for fundamental human rights such as healthcare, education, and housing for all.

Although these initiatives have achieved many concrete results, and successfully mobilized poor and marginalized people, they were not able to establish durable and long-term movements. The members of the Poverty Initiative, who all took part in the earlier initiatives, believe that the main reason of decline was not just the changing and increasingly difficult economic and political situation in the United States, but instead the lack of strong community leaders. That is why the Poverty Initiative main aim is to train leaders from various organizations fighting against poverty and exclusion.

The leadership training program reviews the important role that leadership played in poor rights activism and movements in United States history, analyzing the strengths and weaknesses and drawing lessons.  It develops the roles and characteristics of leaders who can mobilize but not dominate, instead be able to create cooperation among different groups and think about the overall strategy.  It is the opinion of the Poverty Initiative that a good community leader has the following properties: consciousness (know the history and societal processes), capability (has the appropriate capabilities), commitment (aware of their own and the community’s values), and possesses relationships/connections (not on their own, struggling in isolation, but in cooperation with others).

The organizations long-term goal is to train a lot of Martin Luther Kings so that the movement’s success or even survival does not depend on a single charismatic leader, but instead on many working networks of committed activists and on their organized communities.

>>Original Hungarian<<

2011. április végén meglátogattam a Poverty Initiative elnevezésű civil szervezetet, amely egy progresszív teológiai iskola, a Union Theological Seminary keretein belül működik New Yorkban. A Poverty Initiative célja, hogy egységet kovácsoljon a szegény és kirekesztett embereket képviselő szervezetek és kezdeményezések között, és életre keltse a Martin Luther King, Jr. által az 1960-as években elindított, de King halála után befulladt Szegény Emberek Mozgalmát (Poor People’s Campaign). A SzegényEmberek Mozgalmának elindításával King célja az Egyesült Államokban szegénységben élő (az 1960-as években) több, mint 40 millió ember összefogása volt átlépve a faji, etnikai és nemi különbségeket.

A Poverty Initiative megalakulásának történetét az 1980-as években kialakult hajléktalan mozgalomra vezeti vissza, melynek előzménye az addig nem látott, tömeges és strukturális okokra visszavezethető hajléktalanság megjelenése az Egyesült Államokban. A 80-as évek második felében az országban számos helyen alakultak helyi hajléktalan érdekvédelmi szervezetek, melyek nagy része radikális eszközöket is használt céljai elérésére.

A National Homeless Union (Országos Hajléktalan Szakszervezet) Philadelphiából indult és működésének csúcsán 15 ezer tagja volt 25 államban. A mozgalom tagjai nagyszabású házfoglalásokat hajtottak végre (erről egy fantasztikus film is készült Takeover címmel), amelyből számos helyen milliódolláros támogatott lakhatási programok nőttek ki (ilyen például az ún. Dignity Housing, azaz Méltó Lakhatás). A hajléktalan mozgalom egyik legfontosabb kézzelfogható eredménye a választójog biztosítása volt azok számára is, akiknek nincsen állandó lakcíme. A hajléktalanságról az 1990-es években a figyelem szélesebb témákra terelődött, amelynek középpontjában a Poor People’s Economic and Human Rights Campaign (Kampány a szegény emberek gazdasági és emberi jogaiért) állt. Ennek egyik elindítója aKensington Welfare Rights Union (Kensingtoni Jóléti Jogi Szakszervezet) amelyről az a Poverty Outlaw című film készült, melynek magyar feliratos változatát A Város Mindenkié is felhasználta a kilakoltatás-ellenes képzésen is. Ez a mozgalom a jóléti rendszer konzervatív reformja ellen küzdött és olyan alapvető jogokat követelt, mint a mindenki számára elérhető egészségügyi ellátás, oktatás és lakhatás.

Noha ezek a kezdeményezések számos konkrét eredményt értek el és sikeresen mobilizálták a szegénységben élő, marginalizált embereket, nem voltak képesek tartós és hosszú távú mozgalmakat létrehozni. A Poverty Initiative tagjai szerint, akik mind részt vettek a korábbi kezdeményezésekben, a hanyatlás legfőbb oka nemcsak a változó és egyre nehezebb gazdasági és politikai helyzet az Egyesült Államokban, hanem az erős közösségi vezetők hiánya. Ezért a Poverty Initiative legfőbb célja, hogy vezetőket képezzen a különböző szegénység és kirekesztés ellene küzdő szervezetek körében.

A vezetőképzés során áttekintik az Egyesület Államok történetében fontos szerepet játszó szegényjogi aktivistákat és mozgalmakat, kielemzik erősségeiket és gyengeségeiket, levonják a tanulságokat és kidolgozzák azoknak a közösségi vezetőknek a szerepét és jellemzőit, akik képesek másokat mobilizálni, nem uralkodnak, hanem együttműködést teremtenek a különböző csoportok között, és átfogó stratégiában gondolkoznak. A Poverty Initiative szerint a jó közösségi vezető a következő tulajdonságokkal rendelkezik: tudatos (ismeri a történelmet és a társadalmi folyamatokat), képes (megfelelő képességekkel rendelkezik), elkötelezett (tisztában van a saját és a közösségi értékeivel) és kapcsolatokkal rendelkezik (nem egyedül, elszigetelve küzd, hanem másokkal együttműködésben).

A szervezet hosszú távú célja, hogy sok Martin Luther Kinget képezzenek annak érdekében, hogy a mozgalom sikeres vagy éppen fennmaradása ne egyetlen karizmatikus vezetőn múljon, hanem sok, hálózatban működő elkötelezett aktivista vezetőn, és az általuk megszervezett közösségeken.

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Doug Ades: Reflections from the Civil Rights Movement

Douglas Ades (’69) is a long time supporter of both Union and the Poverty Initiative, serving on our Poverty Initiative Trustees Committee. Recently we learned of his incredible experiences and involvement with the Civil Rights movement.  Below is a selection of some of Doug’s recollections.  We are certain that you will enjoy reading this remarkable eye-witness story from a truly momentous time.  We hope these reflections will serve to remind and inspire us.  Leaders like Doug, and his wife Ela Dec, are critical supporters of Union and of the Poverty Initiative.  Side-by-side we walk in our long haul towards justice.

-The Poverty Initiative

Mississippi in the 60s

It was a troubled time in the early 60s.  Freedom Riders going to Mississippi being dragged out of buses and beaten.  Sitdown protests at lunch counters. Dogs and fire hoses loosed on peaceful marchers. And the right-wingers  (of which I’d recently been a part) were saying that the problem in America was apathy.

It was clear to me that the action was in the South and that the only way to overcome apathy was to go there.  It was also clear to me that even conservatives would support registering all people who were eligible to vote.

In 1965 Linda and I connected with a group from the Congregational Church in Claremont that was going to Mississippi to do voter registration.  (The small group included some very interesting people, one of whom later became the Ambassador to South Africa).

We piled into our Dodge station wagon (a veritable boat), along with Linda’s grandparents (to be dropped off in Colorado), a college student and a seminary student from Claremont.

After a brief visit with relatives in Colorado we plowed on to the Deep South.

As we neared Mississippi the fact that the car had no air conditioning became evident.  The closer we got, the hotter it became and the August humidity stifled us.  It may get hot in California but when 90 percent humidity meets 90 degrees of heat it’s a totally new experience for a native Californian who had never been farther east than Colorado.

We arrived at Mt. Beulah College near Edwards, Mississippi, and were assigned to a dorm room a little larger than a telephone booth.  We were greeted by a few white students, several white adults and some beautiful, local black people.  There was excitement and fear in the air.  The first night was a total surprise because neither the temperature nor the humidity changed.  And the sound of the cicadas was deafening.  It induced an eerie feeling right out of a Poe short story.

The first day we had a group meeting of about 40 people deciding how we might best make an impact.  Several people mentioned that registering people in Raymond, MS could only happen on certain days so that idea was put off until the next week.  Toward the end of the discussion someone suggested that there was a swimming pool in the little town of Edwards, but it was only for whites so we should integrate it.  There were several in support but one man from Claremont said, “We have a lot of room on this campus.  Why don’t we build one here”?  There was a look of ‘are you out of your mind?’ on many faces but after more discussion there was agreement that we could raise the money from contacts in California and we should go ahead with the project.

Well, as in “The Cremation of Sam McGee”, ‘a promise made is a debt unpaid’, so the next morning we began digging in the Mississippi sun.  I had been working in construction that summer and was in great shape but was no match for that sun.  I don’t know how people could chop cotton from the time they called “can to can’t” (can see to can’t see) in that weather, but they had done it for generations.

That night we ate dinner in the cafeteria, cooked by Jake the chef, a wonderful human being but with a unique talent for making anything and everything he touched taste ghastly.  After ‘dinner’, and I use that term loosely, we all piled into cars and drove maybe 30 miles to the black section of a town where there was to be a rally of civil rights workers.

The little church seated probably 50 people at most but civil rights workers had come from several surrounding towns creating a crowd of some 300.  The air was electric.  Many of the black people, and some whites, had been arrested and beaten by the police and a few had relatives who’d been killed by the police.  A black man stood up in front and began to speak in that melodic way that only black preachers can.  He got ‘amens, and ‘dat’s rights’ from the pulsing crowd and the energy built.  Then a large black woman stood up and began singing, “O, Freedom.  O, Freedom.  O, Freedom Over Me”, we all joined in and the place began to rock.  The walls nearly burst with enthusiasm and hope.  Another person spoke but the words didn’t matter.  The MUSIC of freedom rang out from the place.  Sweat, and tears of joy mingled with “We Shall Overcome”.  By the time it was over, some two hours later, we all had the feeling that anything was possible.

On the way back, because my car was filled with black and white people, we were chased by the police.  I was worried they would follow us all the way back to the college but at the county line they turned around.  The local people said that the police observed the city and county lines without fail.  (I was so pleased to learn they at least observed that law!)  On a later trip back from Vicksburg I had to turn that big station wagon into the cotton fields and drive with lights out in order to evade the state troopers who were in hot pursuit.

Some time during the second week the group discovered there was the possibility of registering voters at the courthouse in Raymond.  But, because some of us were up to our armpits in building an Olympic-size swimming pool, I allowed a person to take my station wagon to bring voters to register while we worked on the pool.  When they returned that evening we all dined on Jake’s ‘exceptional’ cuisine while those who had gone to register voters regaled us with tales of the roadblocks and threats they had encountered……….ultimately registering not a single voter!

The next morning I needed to go into town to get something for the pool construction.  I opened the car door and smelled something a little strange but put it aside in my mind, until I sat down and the seat covers disintegrated.  I got out and realized that my legs were beginning to burn.  Suddenly I realized that the ‘welcoming committee’ in Raymond had doused the inside of the car with acid.

The Meredith March, 1966

Toward the mid-‘60s some in the civil rights movement began to question whether non-violence was the best way to achieve the goals of equal opportunity.  These people began to cry “black power”, waving clenched fists and scaring the be-Jesus out of many white people.  In 1966 James Meredith, who was the first black person to be admitted to the University of Mississippi (1962) and was by then a law student at Columbia U. in New York, began the “March Against Fear” to register voters in Mississippi.  The march was to go from Memphis to Jackson, MS.  On the second day he was shot and seriously wounded.  Civil rights leaders joined in the 220 mile march, which became the Meredith March.  I joined the march in Mississippi.  It was unbelievably hot and humid and as we marched through white communities not a drop of water was offered.  I was walking with a young black woman next to me and I heard, “Hey, is that nigger your girlfriend?”

We marched for mile after mile and finally reached the Capitol in Jackson, which was ringed by armed National Guard with stainless steel helmets, daring us to come even close to them.  On a few occasions, the Guard broke ranks and used their rifle butts on marchers, but we stayed in line rather than run.  Next to the Capitol there was a stage and the speakers and singers began to encourage all of us with “We Shall Not Be Moved”.  Martin Luther King, Jr., Peter, Paul and Mary, Marlon Brando and so many others who are now history.  It was a moment!

End of the Meredith March

Jackson, MS Capitol, ringed with armed National Guardsmen

Harlem, 1967-69

I arrived in New York’s Upper West Side of Manhattan in August of 1966 to become a student at Union Theological Seminary, affiliated with Columbia University.  My first fieldwork assignment was working as the Assistant Minister to the Jazz Musicians of New York.  I later named it “Bar-hopping for Jesus”.  It was a fascinating way to break into the big city.

At the beginning of the summer of 1967 I began my summer work with the Street Academies in Harlem.  Harlem was clearly no Mississippi.  Almost all black people in Mississippi were warm and welcoming to me.  Harlem was frightening.  Ghettos all over the country had burned in the previous summers and Harlem felt like a tinderbox that could explode at any moment.  I got used to being called “whitey” and “cracker” and realized that they had an anger that was right at the surface, ready to boil over.

The Street Academy program was set up in several storefronts throughout Harlem where educational activities were taking place with street kids, most of them dropouts.  I somehow ended up working as the only white person in a former gang of heroin users and dealers.  They were older (30s-40s) and all ex-offenders.  (I later discovered that they were the street gang that Claude Brown was a member of and wrote about in his book, “Manchild in the Promised Land”.)  The man Claude referred to at a Senate Committee hearing as the real manchild, Arthur Dunmeyer, (http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,836284,00.html) was the leader of the gang that had now decided to help kids who were using heroin.  Most of them were in various stages of “reform”.  We set up the “dope fiend” street academy.

Arthur was massive, dark, handsome, impressive and scary.  He had been in most maximum security prisons in NY and had earned his first money at the age of 9 stealing from the pants of the man who was having sex in the next room with his mother, a prostitute.  Everyone respected Arthur, not only out of fear, but he was smart.  I remember one time there was a chess set sitting in our little detox center.  He asked me if I’d like to play and I said I’d love to.  In about four moves he had me mated.

I said, “Let’s play another”.  This time it took him probably eight moves.

He looked and me and laughed and said, “You didn’t ‘spect no niggah to beat yo ass, did ya, white boy?”.

I said, “No, it really surprised me.  Where did you learn to play like that?

He replied, “Whatchoo think people in jail do?”

It was the first of many lessons I learned about expectations versus reality.

We cooperated with a hospital in Queens so I often drove the guys there and went on the “junkie floor” with them.  Once again I was the only white person and it was a little scary at times.  One day one of the detoxing junkies decided to challenge me.  I was about to go up the winding, internal stairs when he approached me and started calling me names.  A crowd gathered and their anticipation urged him on.  I stood quietly, sometimes asking, “Why do you want me?”, but being ready to counter an onslaught of blows.  All of a sudden, from the top of the stairs came “HEY!”  We all froze.  It was Omar, a 6’ 4”, 260 pound, former bodyguard of Malcolm X, and one of our gang.  Omar yelled at the man and pointed to me, “Dis man my bruthah.  He blacker den you.  Now I’m a man a peace so if ya wants peace, den walk ya own way.  But if ya wants some shit, den come up dem stairs and I’ll kick outcha kidneys!”  The man shrank away, the crowd dissipated, and I wondered how soon I could find some unsoiled underwear.

Harlem 1969-80

In 1969 I went to work for Chemical Bank to set up their Urban Affairs Department.  The bank gave me the capacity to take a few young bankers and train them in how to do banking and grant-making in the streets of Harlem and, later, other ghettos of the City.  Chemical Bank’s Streetbankers ultimately became an internalized part of the way the bank conducted its business.

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Classlines

Below is a short video by Poverty Scholar organization, Classlines.  The video explains more about their incredibly creative and inspiring work, which uses the medium of theater and performance to pull out and discuss the brutal truth and personal experiences of wealth and poverty and everything in between.

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What We’re Reading

Newspapersphoto © 2008 Alex Barth | more info (via: Wylio)

Here are some interesting pieces we’ve stumbled across over the past few weeks:

A doctor asks why medical professionals are quiet on poverty: A Call to Lead

Joseph Stiglitz warns of growing inequality: Of the 1%, by the 1%, for the 1%

A graph shows what Stiglitz is talking about: Off-the-charts income gains for super-rich

And The Atlantic maps it out: The 12 States of America

Bruce Springsteen writes a letter to the editor: Story on poverty, aid cuts gives voice to the voiceless

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Poverty Scholar Mary Gerisch Talks With GritTV About Pending Universal Health Care Legislation in Vermont

Amid stories of wide-spread state budgetary crises and talk of impending “austerity” measures, which our political leaders insist we must accept as necessary in these tough economic times, the Vermont Worker’s Center (VWC) was able to push landmark Universal Helthcare legislation through the state House and it is now set to pass the Senate.   Hear more about this amazing victory in the below interview with  Mary Gerisch a Poverty Scholar and key member of  VWC’s steering committee.

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